Friday, July 17, 2009

निःपक्ष

वेळ लागतो जोखायला पाऊस,
त्याची एकेक सर..त्याचा एकेक थेंब..
जोडू म्हणता म्हणता
काळाचा तडा गेलेला आरसा
होत नाही पुन्हा नव्याने पूर्ववत...
पायांखालची जमीन सांधता सांधता
दुभंगतो चेहरामोहरा नखशिखांत!
नुसत्या क्लिकवर स्वॅप करता येत नाही
कल्पना आणि वास्तव...

कंटाळा येतो सगळ्याच शब्दांचा,
कविता रेटण्याचा,
फूल, पाणी, चंद्र, नदी, मी, तू ...
'अ' 'अ' 'आई'चा गिरवता गिरवता
मशिन्सच्या लगद्यात कुठे हरवून जातात
जगण्यातील निरागस निःपक्ष अक्षरं?

Wednesday, July 8, 2009

बोन्साय - 2

बोन्साय ला काल जवळजवळ आगच लागली. जंगलात वणवा लागतो. इथं फक्त चरचराट झाला नुसता.हल्ली फार काम नाही कंपनीत. पगार अजून तरी चालूच आहे हीच काय तेवढी समाधानाची बाब. अश्या दिवसात बोन्साय फारच बहरतात. नको तितके. बोन्सायचीही पानगळ होतेच कधातरी. पण पानंच सगळीच्या सगळी प्लॅस्टिकची लावली असल्यावर कसली आलीय डोंबलाची पानगळ? अश्या प्लॅस्टिकला वास नसतो. फक्त रंग असतो. विकत घेतलेल्या स्प्रेचे दोन चार फवारे..तेवढाच काय तो वास. बाकीचं सगळं काही गंधहीन. प्रतिष्ठेच्या रंगात डुचमळलेलं... इथं कसल्याच गोष्टीत नैसर्गिकता नाही. सगळं कसं ओढून ताणून फिट्ट बसवल्यासारखं वाटतं. कंटाळा येतो अश्या अवस्थेचा. मी फार फार तर दोन दिवस जपून पाहतो अश्या सगळ्या गोष्टी. हा हॅंगओव्हरचा वारसा बापजाद्यांपासून चालत आलेला. मी म्हटलं झालं ते खूप झालं. च्यायला! किती दिवस मी तरी गोड न राहिलेल्या सारखेची, खारट न राहिलेल्या मिठाची, तिखट न राहिलेल्या चटणीची तीच तीच तीच तीच शिळी रेसिपि आचेवर धुमसत ठेवू? काही दिवसांपूर्वी मीच स्वतः लिहिलं होतं की हल्ली स्वतःच्या आयुष्याविषयी तिरस्कृत लिहिण्याची फॅशनच झाली आहे. आज पुन्हा तेच. पण मी तरी काय करू? अस्सल तिरस्कार आणि मारून मुटकून कण्हून आणलेला तिरस्कार ह्यांच्यात कसा फरक करणार?मुळात मनुष्यात तिरस्काराची बीजे कशी रोवली जातात हे फारच इंटरेस्टींग असतं. म्हणजे असं होतं - तुम्ही स्वप्नं बघता मोठी मोठी एखाद्या फ्रायडे नाईटला. आणि मन्डे मॉर्निंग येता येता जमिनीवर येता.पुढचे दिवस पाय कधी मातीवर, कधी मातीखाली, कधी थोबाड फुटेल हे माहीत असतानाही हवेत गडबडतात. 'असं आपण किती दिवस जगू शकतो?' हा प्रश्न विचारत असतोच आपण स्वतःला. पण फेअर ऍन्ड लवली लावून गो-या झालेल्या कावळ्यासारखा रूबाब घेऊन वावरणारे आपण... दिवसादोन दिवसांत मेक-अप उतरतोच की!!!
आयुष्य = करिअर(माणसाला इतर उपयोगी काहीच कामधंदा नसताना केलेला खटाटोप) +
कुटूंब (2 बीएचके साठी सुटेबल असणारं) +
अप्रेझल्स (ची वाट पाहत राहणं) +
इन्शुरन्स (उद्याच्या शर्यतीत टिकून राहावं म्हणून आजच् कुबड्यांची व्यवस्था करणं) +
लोडशेडिंग (आमच्याकडे इनव्हर्टर आहे हे सांगण्यासाठीचे प्रतिष्ठीत कारण) +
कधीमधी भरून येणार गळा(हॉटेलात पोटभर जेवून पान खाल्ल्यावर येणारा माज)
रस्त्यावरच्या
दारिद्र्यासाठी +
चारदोन शिव्या सिस्टीमच्या नावाने
(आजूबाजूला चोर,पोलीस, गुंड कोणी नसताना दिलेल्या) +
बरंच काही...बरंच काही...

हे म्हणजे आयुष्य?? की अजून दुसरं काय? बोन्साय बहरतात म्हटलं हे चुकलंच!!
बोन्साय बहरत नसतात कधीच. बोन्साय वारसाहक्काची निशानी असतात. पिढीदर पिढी पानं उगवतात आणि गळवतात. एकूण पानांची संख्या नेहमी जवळपास सारखीच!
तिरस्कार आयुष्याविषयी नाही. ज्याला आपण आयुष्य समजून स्वतःची नसलेली इभ्रत परंपरेच्या लॉकरमध्ये ठेवून देतो...तिरस्कार ह्याचा वाटतो!


Saturday, June 6, 2009

National honour and the foreign origin

The last nationalists of India have finally succumbed.

One of the important Nationalist Congress Party leaders, the national face of the party from North East India has met the Indian National Congress President and apologized for the displeasure caused to her in 1999 on the issue of her foreign origin. (http://www.hindu.com/thehindu/holnus/000200906051481.htm)

The Nationalist Congress party was formed in 1999, by a few prominent leaders of the Indian National Congress, on the issue of the foreign origin of the party president. In a moving letter, they requested her to honour India’s national pride and renounce the claim on the office of the Prime Minister, should the party come to power. Let me quote a passage from the letter(http://www.ncp.org.in/sonia1.htm) itself,

“Madam President, India is a country with a history and tradition going back for 1000's of years. It is a confident culture and a proud nation. Above all it is a country which is self sufficient in every sense of the word. India has always lived in the spirit of the Mahatma's words "Let the winds from all over sweep into my room" but again he said "I will not be swept off my feet". We accept with interest and humility the best which we can gather from the North, South, East or West and we absorb them into our soil.

But our inspiration, our soul, our honour, our pride, our dignity, is rooted in our soil. It has to be of this earth. Soniaji you have became a part of us because you have all along respected this. We therefore find it strange that you should allow yourself to forget it at this crucial juncture. It is not possible that a country of 980 million, with a wealth of education, competence and ability, can have anyone other than an Indian, born of Indian soil, to head its government.”

Every word of this passage embodies the truest spirit of nationalism. After receiving the letter, a hurt Congress President offered to resign. Strong voices of protest arose from rank and file of the Indian National Congress, the president was convinced to stay on and the writers of the letter were expelled from the party along with their supporters.

There can be a cynical interpretation of the whole episode, which many would say is the correct one. After its defeat in 1996 elections the Congress party seemed to be in a state of terminal decline. The party had lost successive elections with unprecedented fall in the number of Loksabha seats and loss of presence in large swathes of the country. The Bharatiya Janata Party on the other hand seemed to be the party destined to rule India for the times to come, on the tide of an overwhelming popular support. The writers of letter estimated that the issue of the foreign origin of the Congress President would probably be the last nail in the coffin of the Indian National Congress. One of the ambitious leaders of the group sensed an opportunity he had been waiting for long. He probably thought that if the issue was raised in the party, the morose Congressmen probably would swallow his argument and choose him instead, as their leader. But the endeavour backfired and they were expelled.

There might have been several miscalculations, which I dare not claim they did not consider. It was a calculated risk on their part. They knew that they were up against a formidable challenge of overthrowing a dynasty which had been the life blood of the Indian National Congress for the history of independent India. They knew the complete subservience of the party to the family, after all, taller leaders were vanquished earlier when they dared to confront it.

Most importantly, they might have miscalculated the potency of the issue of foreign origin itself, as many of Indians did.

For nationalists, even the existence of this issue can simply be described as, complete national disgrace.

The party which claimed to be the harbinger of freedom from colonialism and foreign occupation, having a person of foreign origin - whose only competency was membership of a particular family - to be a potential candidate for the post of prime minister of India, was the ultimate irony. This should never happen to a great, sovereign nation boasting of a rich civilization and millennia of history. The sense of national consciousness and pride should never have let it happen.

Sadly, there are other powerful factors. The effects of centuries of colonial and alien occupation have not completely subsided yet.

The other powerful leaders of the Indian National Congress might have sensed the ulterior motives, if they can be so called, of the dissenting leaders. The principle of “let us be equal slaves, instead of unequal neighbours”, which has been an important factor throughout India’s history of her struggle with foreign invaders might have played its part. One of the most important leaders of the coup had been a major aspirant for the top post in the party and hence its candidate for the post of Prime Minister, but his bid was thwarted each time so far. Many of his colleagues thought of him as a person of dubious integrity, an opportunist, and unfit for the top post bypassing them.

Hence their expectation that, the party, at least its significant part, would rally behind them, was frustrated. Neither of their hopes, the fear of complete defeat at the hands of the Bharatiya Janata Party in the minds of the top Congress leaders (on the account of this issue), or the nationalism of common Congress workers, would aid them, fructified. Also, they had limited popular support from only certain parts of the country.

Since then lot of water has flown from the Himalaya and Sahyadri to the oceans and the wheel of fortune has now turned in the favour of the Indian National Congress under the leadership of the same president.

The Nationalist Congress Party subsequently aligned itself with the Indian National Congress in the Maharashtra Vidhan Sabha elections and the 2004 Loksabha elections. For the Vidhan Sabha, there was no issue of foreign origin as no person of foreign origin was a potential candidate for chief minister’s post in Maharashtra. For the Loksabha, the stand was that the issue of prime minister was to be settled after the election results were out. After the results were declared, it was clear that National Democratic Alliance led by the Bharatiya Janata Party, the expected winner, was defeated and it was possible for the United Progressive Alliance under the leadership of the Indian National Congress to form the government with outside support of the left front. This unexpected victory led to an upsurge of support for the Indian National Congress President. There was an unprecedented scene in the central hall of the Parliament, in which the entire Congress Party, most shamefully, prostrated in front of its president of foreign origin requesting her to accept the ultimate prize of victory, the post of the Prime Minister of India. Even the allies of the Indian National Congress made a beeline to tender that request. But then the inner voice spoke and thus the honour of the nation was saved by the potential offender herself.

What prompted her to take that decision is not clear. Was it a genuine feeling of agreement with her opponents, of not subjecting an independent and sovereign India to a rule by a person of foreign origin? If yes, why did she not hear this inner voice earlier, when she was repeatedly projected as the candidate for the Prime Minister’s post? Was it a fear of the dire fate which some her close family members, her husband and mother in law met?

But one cannot deny the fact that only she was in a position to save India’s honour and dignity at that point of time and she did. She also has conducted herself in the most dignified manner subsequent to that incident, and has earned the respect of people across the country by nominating one of best leaders to lead the nation.

The political power and authority flows from her to the government. This is not to claim that the day-to-day activities and decision making process is interfered with by her, or each decision is ratified by her and then implemented. But a major part of the credit of whatever success the government claims to have achieved, is attributed to her. The policy and agenda of the government is said to have her imprint, and popular programmes started by the government are said to be her pet projects. This makes her the supreme extra-constitutional power center and with the Prime Minister acknowledging that he enjoys no mass base, makes her the primary authority if not the chief executive. This satisfies the nationalists’ demand that no person of foreign origin should hold the high office, in letter, but violates it in spirit.

How much of the blame for this should pass to her? Is she responsible for it or is the rest of the party, for which devotion to the family is the life blood with sycophancy as the haemoglobin? One can compare this with the issue of replacement of Marathi by Hindi in public spaces in Maharashtra’s cities. Who is responsible? If all Marathi speaking people used Marathi in public arena, wouldn’t it make the adoption of Marathi by others possible? Others would speak Marathi if Marathi speakers did so. If the Congress Party behaved in accordance with the principles of national dignity, her elevation to a position of the supreme leader of the nation would not have been possible. Our own people, of the Congress Party, have not been exorcized of the ghost of feudal mindset and colonial hangover.

Staunch supporters of the Indian National Congress President loudly claim that the opposition’s argument on this issue has been conclusively defeated. This has left many nationalists completely disillusioned and many claim that the issue of foreign origin is now dead.

The Nationalist Congress Party itself says that since she has declined to accept the post the issue is now not relevant, but they have never reiterated their original stand of opposing a person of foreign origin from holding the office of the Prime Minister. Now, they have dropped the pretense completely and say that the issue is closed. There are reports that there may be a merger with the parent party, now that the future of the Nationalist Congress Party looks dim.

Has the nationalists’ stand on the issue of foreign origin really been defeated? The fact that the Indian National Congress won the elections under her leadership does not prove that. The elections to the parliament are by no means a referendum on a particular issue.

One has to acknowledge that this was not the only issue which decided which way people voted, for either side. People have voted on many issues, and some issues on which they perceived that the nationalist side was not the best option, they went for the Indian National Congress.

There are other issues, bread and butter issues, which people feel are more pressing. There is a significant trust deficit between the nationalists and large sections of society on many accounts, which needs to be addressed. These issues are much higher in the hierarchy of issues which enables people to decide which way to go. Also, they lack presence in significant parts of the country. Had these issues been solved, one is certain that people of India would have voted positively on this issue, and the national honour would have been restored in a much clearer way, if this alone was a major issue in the elections.

(Except in the first sentence, wherever I refer to “nationalists” they are not the Nationalist Congress Party, but the Bharatiya Janata Party and its affiliate organizations which are the perceived right wing nationalists of India.)

Nikhil Pujari.

Monday, May 18, 2009

भारतीय राष्ट्रवादाचा पराभव

लोकसभा निवडणुकीत भारतीय राष्ट्रवादी शक्तींचा अभूतपूर्व पराभव झाला. धक्का फार मोठा आहे.

धक्का फक्त या पराभवाचा नाही. मूळ विश्वास, आस्था आणि श्रद्धांचा आहे. आम्ही ज्या गोष्टींवर मनापासून श्रद्धा ठेवतो, ज्या काही गोष्टी आमच्या जीवनातील मूलभूत सत्ये आहेत, मातृभूमिचे एक राष्ट्र हे स्वरुप आम्ही मनी बाळगतो, ते सर्व खरोखरीच अस्तित्वात आहे का? त्याला वास्तवामध्ये काही आधार आहे का? का ते सर्व फक्त आमच्या स्वप्नसृष्टितच आहे, आमच्या पुरतेच सत्य आहे ? Do our beliefs have any relevance?

मुळापासून विचार करावा लागेल.

RSS आणि संघ परिवार हे काही सर्वगुणसम्पन्न मर्यादा पुरुषोत्तमांचे समूह नाहीत. कलियुगात कोणीच तसे नाही. पण आमच्या बहुदा कल्पनाविश्वातच असलेल्या राष्ट्रीय सत्वाचे - वास्तवात असणा-या शक्तिंमध्ये - सर्वात जवळचे असे वारसदार आणि संरक्षक नक्कीच आहेत. They are the closest approximation of the national essence of India of our time.

म्हणुन त्यांच्या पराभवाने मन विषण्ण होते.
एक तर हे आहे किंवा आम्ही मानतो ते राष्ट्रीय सत्व नाहीच. कधीच नव्हते. किंवा पूर्वी कधीकाळी असेलही पण आता ते नाही आणि आमच्या सारखे लोक ते समजू किंवा पचवू शकलेले नाहीत.
जगात विचार,राष्ट्रे आणि संस्कृति नाहिशा होत असतात. तो जगाचा नियम आहे. आमची ती वेळ आली आहे का? का आमची वेळ कधिचिच होउन गेलेली आहे, आणि आम्हाला समजलेच नाही?
भारतीय जनता पार्टी सारख्या एका य:कश्चित् समूहाच्या पराभवाने संपेल इतके छोटे ते कधीच नव्हते. यापूर्वीही अनेक पराभव झालेले आहेत. प्रचंड पराभव झालेले आहेत. त्यावेळी ते संपले नाही.
पण हा पराभव त्या अंताचे एक लक्षण आहे का? अशी भीती वाटते.
आशेचे किरण सध्यातरी कुठेही दिसत नाहीत.
कॉंग्रेस आल्याने कदाचित काही चांगल्या गोष्टी घडतील. भौतिक प्रगति काही दिशांमध्ये होइल ही. पण तो एक सर्वस्वी निराळा मुद्दा आहे.
या वेळी आम्ही शाळेत शिकलेली कै.हरिवंशराय बच्चन यांची एक कविता आठवते. आमच्या बालमनावर त्या कवितेचा फार प्रभाव पडला होता.

नीड का निर्माण फिर फिर
नेह का आव्हान फिर फिर
यह उठी आँधी कि नभ में
छा गया सहसा अँधेरा
धूलि धूसर बादलों ने
भूमि को इस भाँती घेरा
रात सा दिन हो गया
फिर रात आई और काली
लग रहा था अब न होगा
इस निशा का फिर सवेरा
रात के उत्पात भय से
भीत जन जन भीत कण कण
किंतु प्राची से उषा की
मोहिनी मुस्कान फिर फिर
नीड का निर्माण फिर फिर
नेह का आव्हान फिर फिर
क्रुद्ध नभ के वज्र दंतों में
उषा है मुसकराती
घोर गर्जनमय गगन के
कंठ में खग पंक्ति गाती
एक चिडिया चोंच में तिनका लिए
जो जा रही है
वह सहज में ही पवन
उनचास को नीचा दिखा रही है
नाश के दुःख से कभी
दबता नहीं निर्माण का सुख
प्रलय की निस्तब्धता में
सृष्टि का नवगान फिर फिर
नीड का निर्माण फिर फिर
नेह का आव्हान फिर फिर॥

Sunday, April 12, 2009

Refuting the Aryan theory

The debate on the Aryan Invasion/Migration theory has been a historic one. The idea was first propounded by Max Muller, a german philologist who studied the vedas and found similarities between Sanskrit and european languages like greek and latin.

The basic premise of the theory was that Indians being a primitive people and racially inferior to the Europeans could not be the authors of civilization in India and civilization in India had to be introduced from outside. Before Max Muller, when western academia did not know of ancient India, the mainstream thought was that civilization was introduced to India by Alexander of Macedonia.

The introduction of Indic Studies and ancient texts like the vedas in europe prompted the Aryan Invasion hypothesis.

It basically stated that the dark skinned Indians before the arrival of the master european race of the Aryans were a primitive people who were introduced of civilization by the Aryans.

This theory was the critical moral platform for colonial powers to enslave India and it also provided life blood for evil ideologies like Nazism.

This story took a different turn when the Indus Valley Civilization was discovered by John Marshall with the excavation of the ancient city of Harappa. The Indus Civilization was at its peak around 2500 BC and the theory that civilization was introduced by fair skinned europeans into India was no longer tenable, since the Indus Valley civilization was a contemporary of the Ancient Mesopotamian and Ancient egyptian civilization ( Fertile Cresent). ( The europeans would still not give Indians credit for their own ancient civilization, and the theory that Indus valley was actually an offshoot of the mesopotamian civilization was further propagated, which in face of overwhelming evidence against it, had to be abandoned.)

It was Marshall who was the real author of the theory of Aryan "Invasion". He discovered a set of skeletons in the ruins of mohen jo daro and claimed that they were the Indus Valley People who were massacred by the invading aryans. He quoted some verses from the Rigveda which address Indra as the "Puramdara", destroyer of forts, and tried to reason that the forts meant the cities of Indus valley, and famously declared that "Indra stands accused" for the collapse of Indus Valley civilization.

However, this popular theory of Aryan Invasion and the simplistic western models of invasion and subjugation have been rejected by mainstream academia in face of mounting evidence against it.

The search for the Master European Aryan race, with blue eyes and blond hair, has been unsuccessful. No such race exists as acknowledged by archeologists and philologists. Even Max Muller subsequently abandoned this idea of language=race.

There is no archeological proof of invasion of India around 1500 BC as per the current research. The archeological findings in the Indus Valley do not show any signs of warfare and the skeletons found in Mohenjodaro and elsewhere in Indus Valley were shown to be of people who died of natural causes.

The most ancient veda, the rig veda, gives absolutely no account of an immigration, let alone an invasion, into India. The search of the Aryan race in vedas and other ancient texts like the avesta and gathas has proved unfruitful.

This mainstream academic opinion can be best summarized as follows,

Jim Shaffer wrote, "Current archaeological data do not support the existence of an Indo-Aryan or European invasion into South Asia any time in the pre- or protohistoric periods. Instead, it is possible to document archaeologically a series of cultural changes reflecting indigenous cultural developments from prehistoric to historic periods".

^ Jim Shaffer. The Indo-Aryan Invasions : Cultural Myth and Archaeological Reality.

Jim G. Shaffer is an American archaeologist and Professor of Anthropology at Case Western Reserve University.

Shaffer holds a BA (1965) and M.A. (1967) in Anthropology from Arizona State University. He also has a Ph.D. (1972) in Anthropology from University of Wisconsin-Madison. He is noted for his studies on the Indus Valley Civilization.

This was forseen by Revered Dr Ambedkar even when the Aryan Invasion Theory was very much in vogue and many Indians even supported it.

One can quote him from his book " Who were the Shudras?" which is an excellent study on the origins of the varna and the caste system in India. This study remains unparalled in academic pursuit in this subject.

Dr Ambedkar argues that Shudras were originally kshatriya clans of the solar race (sooryakula) whose social degradation was brought about by the bramhins who refused to perform vedic sacrifices and ceremonies for them. This academic feat by Dr Ambedkar remains an unattainable peak for the rest of the students of ancient India and indologists.

I shall quote a few passages from the book.--

(1) Who were the Shudras? and (2) How they came to be the fourth Varna of the Indo-Aryan society? My answers to them are summarised below :

(1) The Shudras were one of the Aryan communities of the Solar race.

(2) There was a time when the Aryan society recognised only three Varnas, namely. Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Vaishyas.

(3) The Shudras did not form a separate Varna. They ranked as part of the Kshatriya Varna in the Indo-Aryan society.

(4) There was a continuous feud between the Shudra kings and the Brahmins in which the Brahmins were subjected to many tyrannies and indignities.

(5) As a result of the hatred towards the Shudras generated by their tyrannies and oppressions, the Brahmins refused to perform the Upanayana of the Shudras.

(6) Owing to the denial of Upanayana, the Shudras who were Kshatriyas became socially degraded, fell below the rank of the Vaishyas and thus came to form the fourth Varna.

WHO were the Shudras if they were not a non-Aryan aboriginal race? This question must now be faced. The theory I venture to advance may be stated in the following three propositions:

(1) The Shudras were Aryans.

(2) The Shudras belonged to the Kshatriya class.

(3) The Shudras were so important a class of Kshatriyas that some of the most eminent and powerful kings of the ancient Aryan communities were Shudras.

The primary piece of evidence on which this thesis rests is a passage which occurs in Verses 38-40 of Chapter 60 of the Shanti Parvan of the Mahabharata. It reads as follows :

"It has been heard by us that in the days of old a Shudra of the name of Paijavana gave a Dakshina (in his own sacrifice) consisting of a hundred thousand Purnapatras according to the ordinance called Aindragni."

The Western writers have a definite theory about the origin of the Shudras. Though all of them are not agreed upon every aspect of the theory, there are points on which there seems to be a certain amount of unity among them. They comprise the following :

1. The people who created the Vedic literature belonged to the Aryan race.

2. This Aryan race came from outside India and invaded India.

3. The natives of India were known as Dasas and Dasyus who

4. were racially different from the Aryans. (4) The Aryans were a white race. The Dasas and Dasyus were a dark race.

5. The Aryans conquered the Dasas and Dasyus.

6. The Dasas and Dasyus after they were conquered and enslaved were called Shudras.

7. The Aryans cherished colour prejudice and therefore formed the Chaturvarnya whereby they separated the white race from the black race such as the Dasas and the Dasyus

What is however of particular importance is the opinion of Prof. Max Muller on the question of the Aryan race. This is what he says on the subject:[f4]

There is no Aryan race in blood; Aryan, in scientific language is utterly inapplicable to race. It means language and nothing but language; and if we speak of Aryan race at all, we should know that it means no more than... Aryan speech.

I have declared again and again that if I say Aryas, I mean neither blood nor bones, nor hair nor skull; I mean simply those who speak an Aryan language. The same applies to Hindus, Greeks, Romans, Germans, Celts, and Slavs. When I speak of them I commit myself to no anatomical characteristics. The blue-eyed and fair-haired Scandinavians may have been conquerors or conquered, they may have adopted the language of their darker lords or their subjects, or vice versa. I assert nothing beyond their language, when I call them Hindus, Greeks, Romans, Germans, Celts and Slavs; and in that sense, and in that sense only, do I say that even the blackest Hindus represent an earlier stage of Aryan speech and thought than the fairest Scandinavians.

The value of this view of Prof. Max Muller will be appreciated by those who know that he was at one time a believer in the theory of Aryan race and was largely responsible for the propagation of it.

In this conflict of views one may well ask: what is the testimony of the Vedic literature? As examination of the Vedic literature shows that there occur two words in the Rig Veda—one is Arya with a short 'a' and the other is Arya with a long 'a'. The word Arya with a short 'a' is used in the Rig Veda[f5] in 88 places. In what sense is it used? The word[f6] is used in four different senses; as (1) enemy, (2) respectable person, (3) name for India, and (4) owner, Vaishya or citizen.

The word Arya with a long 'a' is used in the Rig Veda in 31 places [f7] . But in none of these is the word used in the sense of race.

From the foregoing discussion, the one indisputable conclusion which follows is that the terms 'Arya' and 'Arya' which occur in the Vedas have not been used in the racial sense at all.

One may also ask: what is the evidence of anthropometry? the Aryan race is described as long-headed. This description is not enough. For as will be seen from the table given by Prof. Ripley, there are two races which are long-headed. The question which of the two is the Aryan race still remains open.

( The study of Prof Ripley which Revered Dr Ambedkar refers to is given in detail in the book.)

What evidence is there of the invasion of India by the Aryan race and the subjugation by it of the native tribes? So far as the Rig Veda is concerned, there is not a particle of evidence suggesting the invasion of India by the Aryans from outside India. As Mr. P. T. Srinivasa lyengar[f12] points out:

"A careful examination of the Manatras where the words Arya, Dasa and Dasyu occur, indicates that they refer not to race but to cult. These words occur mostly in Rig Veda Samhita where Arya occurs about 33 times in mantras which contain 153,972 words on the whole. The rare occurrence is itself a proof that the tribes that called themselves Aryas were not invaders that conquered the country and exterminated the people. For an invading tribe would naturally boast of its achievements constantly."

So far the testimony of the Vedic literature is concerned, it is against the theory that the original home of the Aryans was outside India. The language in which reference to the seven rivers is made in the Rig. Veda (X.75.5) is very significant. As Prof. D. S. Triveda says[f13] —the rivers are addressed as 'my Ganges, my Yamuna, my Saraswati' and so on. No foreigner would ever address a river in such familiar and endearing terms unless by long association he had developed an emotion about it.

First is the paucity of references in the Rig Veda to wars between the Aryans on the one hand and the Dasas or Dasyus on the other. Out of the 33 places in which the word occurs in the Rig Veda only in 8 places is it used in opposition to Dasas and only in 7 places is it used in opposition to the word Dasyus. This may show the occurrence of sporadic riots between the two. It is certainly not evidence of a conquest or subjugation.

The second point about the Dasas is that whatever conflict there was between them and the Aryans, the two seem to have arrived at a mutual settlement, based on peace with honour. This is borne out by references in the Rig Veda showing how the Dasas and Aryans have stood as one united people against a common enemy. Note the following verses from the Rig Veda :

Rig Veda - vi. 33.3;

vii. 83.1;

viii 51.9;

x 102.3.

The theory of invasion is an invention. This invention is necessary because of a gratuitous assumption which underlies the Western theory. The assumption is that the Indo-Germanic people are the purest of the modern representatives of the original Aryan race. Its first home is assumed to have been somewhere in Europe. These assumptions raise a question: How could the Aryan speech have come to India: This question can be answered only by the supposition that the Aryans must have come into India from outside. Hence the necessity for inventing the theory of invasion.

The third assumption is that the Aryans were a superior race. This theory has its origin in the belief that the Aryans are a European race and as a European race it is presumed to be superior to the Asiatic races. Having assumed its superiority, the next logical step one is driven to take is to establish the fact of superiority. Knowing that nothing can prove the superiority of the Aryan race better than invasion and conquest of native races, the Western writers have proceeded to invent the story of the invasion of India by the Aryans and the conquest by them of the Dasas and Dasyus.

The fourth assumption is that the European races were white[f15] and had a colour prejudice against the dark races. The Aryans being a European race, it is assumed that it must have had colour prejudice. The theory proceeds to find evidence for colour prejudice in the Aryans who came into India. This it finds in the Chaturvarnya— an institution by the established Indo-Aryans after they came to India and which according to these scholars is based upon Varna which is taken by them to mean colour.

Not one of these assumptions is borne out by facts. Take the premise about the Aryan race. The theory does not take account of the possibility that the Aryan race in the physiological sense is one thing and an Aryan race in the philological sense quite different, and that it is perfectly possible that the Aryan race, if there is one, in the physiological sense may have its habitat in one place and that the Aryan race, in the philological sense, in quite a different place. The theory of the Aryan race is based on the premise of a common language and it is supposed to be common because it has a structural affinity. The assertion that the Aryans came from outside and invaded India is not proved and the premise that the Dasas and Dasyus are aboriginal tribes[f16] of India is demonstrably false.

Again to say that the institution of Chaturvarnya is a reflection of the innate colour prejudice of the Aryans is really to assert too much. If colour is the origin of class distinction, there must be four different colours to account for the different classes which comprise Chaturvarnya. Nobody has said what those four colours are and who were the four coloured races who were welded together in Chaturvarnya. As it is, the theory starts with only two opposing people, Aryas and Dasas—one assumed to be white and the other assumed to be dark.

The originators of the Aryan race theory are so eager to establish their case that they have no patience to see what absurdities they land themselves in. They start on a mission to prove what they want to prove and do not hesitate to pick such evidence from the Vedas as they think is good for them.

Prof. Michael Foster has somewhere said that 'hypothesis is the salt of science.' Without hypothesis there is no possibility of fruitful investigation. But it is equally true that where the desire to prove a particular hypothesis is dominant, hypothesis becomes the poison of science. The Aryan race theory of Western scholars is as good an illustration of how hypothesis can be the poison of science as one can think of.

----------------from "who were the shudras".

The whole text of the book can be found on the website www.ambedkar.org .

Of course I have quoted only a few parts from this great book. It is very instructive and I would urge everyone to go through it in details.

Anthropology, archeology and philology have made great advances since the time Revered Dr. Ambedkar published this book but the broad conclusions drawn by him still remain unchallanged.

Genetic science is still in its primitive stage and no definitive conclusions can be drawn from it. The factors such as sample size may vary the conclusions greatly and the interpretations one can draw from the results of the genetic tests may also vary greatly.

I would also like to point towards a study made by Dr.Pragna Patel of the University of South California.

She was researching the genetic origins of problems such as obesity, hypertension commonly associated with indians.
Interestingly she found out that there is very little genetic variation in population of the whole subcontinent. According to experts it is very surprising that people living in such a huge area have very little genetic variation. Further it was also inferred from the findings that the basic genotype if indians hasn't changed for about 10,000 years. So according to them indians constitute a distinct and major human race.

This study represented the largest study of Indian genetic variation performed to date, in terms of the total number of sites in the human genome that were surveyed.

http://www.usc.edu/uscnews/stories/13415.html


Nikhil Pujari.

Thursday, April 9, 2009

Pandavas of the modern Mahabharata

"In the happiness of his subjects lies the king's happiness, in their welfare his welfare. He shall not consider as good only that which pleases him but treat as beneficial to him whatever pleases his subjects" – Arthashastra by Kautilya, circa 300 BC.

India, as we know, is a land of hoary antiquity, the cradle of civilization and its people are the inheritors of a glorious unbroken cultural tradition whose evolution spans a time interval of over seven millennia. India is endowed with unparalleled diversity and amount of natural wealth and its people have been the pioneers of significant advances the human race has made along with other great and ancient civilizations.

Today’s India appears as an epitome of extreme dichotomy. We are viewed by the world as a third world country, still recovering from a colonial hangover, and struggling to counter the poisonous tides of terrorism, poverty, unemployment and numerous such evils. At the same time we are one of the few nations who possess nuclear weapons and satellite technology, a world class pool of highly skilled professionals and a rapidly expanding economy, to name a few of our great national achievements.

If we analyze our successes and impediments, we would come to a conclusion that the successes we have achieved, be it the Indian IT industry, Green revolution, Operation Flood, Chandrayaan or even the military victories owing to a loyal and professional service rendered by our armed forces to the nation, they are largely removed from electoral politics. As for the large scale problems faced by the country, most would agree that they stem from the rot of corruption and moral decrepitude plaguing our political and administrative system. A complete overhaul of the political setup in the country is needed for progress to be achieved on all fronts.

Starting from the romanticism and hope generated by independence from alien occupation, our political system has witnessed a continuous fall in moral and ethical standards, and it seems now like a vicious cycle which has fractured our society to such an extent that it has turned into a seemingly unwieldy mass of innumerable divergent interest groups.

This reformation of the political system of the country cannot be achieved by exemplary achievements in other spheres removed from it. It has to be initiated from within the system. The conditions prevailing in our country from historical times intrinsically prevent any other political revolution than a democratic one, which may seem as a drawback in the short run, but is a positive aspect of the nature of our society and a byproduct of our history.

Every true nation is like an evolved living organism, and produces resistance to the disease threatening its existence. India has produced in past great warriors, rulers and statesmen and the rise of the forces of national revival can be anticipated in these testing times. Five years ago, a group of patriotic young men decided to constitute a political party, named Lokparitran, for the purpose of relieving India from this distress,. These patriots were the alumni of the Takshashilas and Nalandas of modern India, the Indian Institutes of Technology. What could be more fitting, than the cream of the Indian youth answering the call of the motherland? They left their high paying jobs and lucrative overseas assignments and decided to take a plunge into active politics.

After its formation Lokparitran spread rapidly among the professionals and students in many parts of the country, namely Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Tamilnadu, Rajasthan and the major cities. It tasted its first electoral battle in the form of 2006 Tamilnadu Assembly elections where its candidates polled more votes than the national parties in some of the constituencies.

Every nascent political movement has to undergo a series of very tough survival tests in its initial stages to become a formidable force capable of securing the reins of power. The enthusiasm and romantic idealism, with which the Lokparitran movement was started, could not prove to be a substitute for the political maturity attained through a series of setbacks and the movement faced difficulties in the form of differences, personal, ideological and of functioning style. Some of the founding members parted ways and a new political party named Bharat Punarnirman Dal (www.bpd.org.in) was formed. Most of the original founders and supporters are now a part of the Bharat Punarnirman Dal.

This was certainly disheartening for many of its supporters, to see a split, on the lines of established political parties, and skeptics chided the party for failing in its initial stages of development. But it is important to note that every revolutionary movement goes through these kinds of upheavals in its formative phase. Throughout the history of the world, we see that rapidly succeeding revolutions are a product of an extraordinary leadership exploiting a sudden catastrophe befallen on a fairly united people, and even those movements have had to undergo decades of gestation time. This is not the case with India as the there has been a steady gradual decline in the political standards and there has been a gradual desensitization of the Indian people in its regard.

The Bharat Punarnirman Dal faced difficulties initially in accumulating resources which are necessary for political growth and survival. It has matured over the course of a couple of years and has been able to spread awareness through various media. People across various states are supporting it and the party is now in a position of fighting assembly and parliamentary elections. In Andhra Pradesh, the first electoral victory of the party came in the form of two of the candidates supported by the party winning MLC elections in 2007. The party also contested the Uttar Pradesh and Delhi assembly elections. They are now contesting from 40 seats for the 2009 Loksabha elections.

The chief planks of Bharat Punarnirman Dal are complete nationalism and cleansing politics of corruption and criminalization. Party is also in the process of forming opinions and solutions for the specific issues facing the country through scientific study and deliberations.

Political parties with very similar objectives and agenda have been formed across the nation. Some of the prominent ones are the Loksatta Party by retired IAS officer Jayprakash Narayan (www.loksatta.org), Professionals Party of India (www.ppi.net.in) and Peoples Guardian Party by retired IAS officer Arun Bhatia (www.arunbhatiaelect.com). Loksatta is contesting in Andhra Pradesh for all seats in the assembly and loksabha elections and has been getting a lot of support from the people and has very bright prospects. The Professionals Party of India is contesting two loksabha seats in Mumbai. Mr. Arun Bhatia is a retired IAS officer and is a well known crusader against corruption in administration. He is contesting from the Pune Loksabha seat.

These forces are the Pandavas of a modern Mahabharata, the rays of dawn penetrating the darkness before an impending sunrise. More than anything else, they symbolize a revolt against the degeneration of Indian politics and embody patriotism, morality and idealism at their core. Efforts are on for bringing about a national level co-ordination between them and eventually unify them to realize the ultimate aim of national revival, reconstruction and resurgence.

It is a duty of all of us, nationalists, patriots and right thinking sons and daughters of the motherland to help this great revolution attain its ultimate goal.

Vande Mataram!!

Tuesday, December 30, 2008

बोन्साय - 1

Wåû AxÉÇ qÉÉfrÉÉ oÉÉoÉiÉÏiÉ bÉQåûsÉ AxÉÇ MükÉÏcÉ MÑühÉÉsÉÉWûÏ uÉÉOûsÉÇ lÉxÉåsÉ. SÉålÉåMü uÉwÉÉïmÉÔuÉÏï iÉU lÉÉWûÏcÉ lÉÉWûÏ. ZÉѬ qÉsÉÉWûÏ lÉÉWûÏ. WûssÉÏ TüÉU TüÉU LMüOÇû AxÉsrÉÉxÉÉUZÉÇ uÉÉOÕû sÉÉaÉsÉÇrÉ qÉsÉÉ. MÑühÉÏ qWûhÉåsÉ - "pÉÉF (AäYcrÉÑsÉÏ pÉÉåxÉQûÏcrÉÉ qWûhÉÉrÉcÉÇ AxÉiÉÇ) mÉëåqÉÉiÉ mÉQûsÉÉxÉ MüÉ MüÉrÉ?" iÉU qÉÏ qWûhÉålÉ , MüÉWûÏ qWûhÉhrÉÉcÉÉ iÉUÏ MÑüPåû mÉëzlÉ rÉåiÉÉårÉ , iÉå iÉU oÉ-rÉÉcÉ eÉhÉÉÇlÉÉ PûÉFMü AÉWåû - "mÉëåqÉ mÉëåqÉ qWûhÉiÉ ÎeÉiÉMüÐWûÏ oÉÉåÇoÉÉoÉÉåÇoÉ MüUiÉÉ rÉåDsÉ ÌiÉiÉMüÐ MüÃlÉ fÉÉsÉÏrÉ". sÉmÉÌuÉhrÉÉxÉÉUZÉå MüÉWûÏcÉ lÉÉWûÏ. qÉÏ qÉÉåMüVûÉ qÉÉåMüVûÉcÉ uÉÉaÉiÉ AÉsÉÉårÉ AÉeÉmÉrÉïÇiÉ. mÉhÉ qWûhÉÔlÉ MüÉåhÉÏ qÉÉfrÉÉ ZÉÉeÉaÉÏmÉhÉÉcÉÉ MüÐxÉ mÉÉQûiÉ AxÉåsÉ iÉU qÉÉ§É qÉÉfÉå QûÉåMåü eÉÉqÉ pÉQûMüiÉå. qWûhÉeÉå qÉÏ iÉxÉå SÉZÉuÉiÉ lÉÉWûÏ ÍcÉQèsrÉÉÌoÉQèsrÉÉxÉÉUZÉå. mÉhÉ LZÉɱÉsÉÉ ÃqÉÉsÉ ±ÉuÉÉ AÉÍhÉ irÉÉlÉå iÉÉå OûÊuÉåsÉ xÉqÉeÉÔlÉ uÉÉmÉUÉuÉÉ AÉÍhÉ zÉåuÉOûÏ iÉå LMü TüUzÉÏ mÉÑxÉhrÉÉcÉå MüÉmÉQû uWûÉuÉå AxÉå WûÉåiÉå. AxÉÉå. ÌuÉwÉrÉ pÉUMüOûsÉÉ AxÉåsÉ eÉUÉ qÉÉfrÉÉxÉÉUZÉÉcÉ. ZÉUÇ iÉU ½É ÍsÉÌWûhrÉÉsÉÉ MüÉWûÏcÉ ÌuÉwÉrÉ lÉÉWûÏ. AÉiÉÉ LZÉÉSÉ zÉÉÇiÉ, xÉqÉÉkÉÉlÉÏ, QûÉåYrÉÉÌoÉYrÉÉlÉå lÉÊqÉïsÉ qÉÉhÉÔxÉ MüÉ qWûhÉÔlÉ UɧÉÏ ZÉUQûiÉ oÉxÉåsÉ? lÉÉWûÏcÉ. mÉhÉ qÉsÉÉ lÉåqÉMÇü MüÉrÉ MüzÉÉcÉÇ MüxÉsÉÇ xÉqÉÉkÉÉlÉ WûuÉÇrÉ, Wåû WûÏ qÉÉWûÏiÉ lÉÉWûÏ. iÉzÉÏ OåûlzÉlxÉ MüÉWûÏ MüqÉÏiÉ lÉÉWûÏiÉ qÉÉfrÉÉ fÉÉåVûÏiÉ. mÉhÉ EaÉÉcÉ eÉÉxiÉWûÏ lÉÉWûÏiÉ. fÉåmÉiÉÏsÉ iÉåuÉRûÏcÉ. fÉÉåVûÏ TüÉOûhÉÉU lÉÉWûÏiÉ CiÉMüÐcÉ. eÉaÉhrÉÉcrÉÉ AÎeÉoÉÉiÉ AÉQû lÉ rÉåhÉÉUÏ. mÉhÉ qÉÏ AxÉÉ CiÉMüÉ qÉlÉxÉÉå£ü eÉaÉålÉ AxÉå qÉsÉÉ MükÉÏcÉ uÉÉOûsÉå lÉuWûiÉå. LZÉÉ±É aÉÉå¹ÏcrÉÉ qÉÑVûÉzÉÏ eÉÉuÉÔlÉ ÌiÉcÉÏ qÉÑVÇûcÉ EmÉOÕûlÉ MüÉRûhrÉÉcÉÇ kÉærÉï qÉÉfrÉÉiÉ MÑüPÕûlÉ AÉsÉÇrÉ Wåû qÉÉfÉÇ qÉsÉÉcÉ MüVåûlÉÉxÉÇ fÉÉsÉÇrÉ. ESÉWûUhÉÉjÉï xÉÉÇaÉÉrÉcÉÇ fÉÉsÉcÉ iÉU - iÉÏ.

`iÉÏ' LMü aÉÉå¹cÉ. qÉÏ ÌiÉcrÉÉ eÉaÉhrÉÉcÉÉ RûÉcÉÉcÉ oÉSsÉsÉÉ. iÉÏWûÏ oÉSsÉsÉÏ oÉUÏcÉ. mÉhÉ qÉÑVûcÉÉ xuÉpÉÉuÉ uÉæiÉÉaÉsÉåsÉÉcÉ. mÉÔuÉÏï oÉåkÉQûMü ÍzÉurÉÉ ±ÉrÉcÉÏ. AÉiÉÉ zÉYrÉ iÉÉåuÉU Tü£ü `oÉÉxOûQïû' uÉaÉæUå qWûhÉiÉå CiÉMåücÉ. oÉSsÉ ZÉ-rÉÉ AjÉÉïlÉå fÉÉsÉÉ iÉÉå ÌiÉcrÉÉ lÉÏ qÉÉfrÉÉ xuÉÉiÉǧrÉmÉhÉÉiÉ. qÉÑZrÉiuÉå qÉÉfrÉÉcÉ. MÑüPåû MüÉWûÏ eÉUÉxÉÇ ZÉÑOûOû uÉÉeÉsÉÇ MüÐ sÉaÉåcÉ mÉÉÌWûeÉå iÉÉå qÉÏ. LZÉÉ±É sÉWûÉlÉ oÉÉVûÉlÉå AÉmÉsÉÇ oÉÉåOû kÉUÉuÉÇ... CiÉMÇü eÉÉåUÉiÉ kÉUÉuÉÇ... MüÐ iÉå oÉÉåOû AÉmÉsÉÇ AÉWåû ½ÉcÉÏ ÌlÉiÉÉÇiÉ eÉÉhÉÏuÉcÉ ÌuÉxÉÃlÉ eÉÉuÉÏ. AÉÍhÉ lÉÇiÉU qÉÉfÉÇ oÉÉåOû MÑüPÇûrÉ AxÉÇ qWûOèsrÉÉuÉU irÉÉ sÉWûÉlÉ oÉÉVûÉlÉå SÒxÉUÇ oÉÉåOû kÉUÉuÉÇ...AxÉÇ WûÉåF zÉMüiÉÇ. AxÉÇcÉ fÉÉsÉÇrÉ. qÉÏ qÉÉfÉÉ qÉÉfrÉÉmÉÉzÉÏ qÉÉfrÉÉxÉÉPûÏ qÉÉfrÉÉmÉÑUiÉÉ qÉÉfrÉÉxÉÉåoÉiÉ lÉ UÉWûhrÉÉiÉ WûÏ LMüOûÏmÉhÉÉcÉÏ eÉÉhÉÏuÉ PûÉxÉÔlÉ pÉUsÉÏrÉ AxÉÇ uÉÉOÕû sÉÉaÉsÉÇrÉ qÉsÉÉ. oÉUÇ MüÉåhÉÏ qWûhÉåsÉ - "rÉÑxÉsÉåxÉ... iÉÔ aÉÑsÉÉqÉ fÉÉsÉÉrÉÇxÉ." iÉU iÉå WûÏ ZÉUÇ lÉÉWûÏ. qWûhÉeÉå AxÉÇrÉ MüÐ AÉåVûZÉ fÉÉsrÉÉmÉÉxÉÔlÉ uÉwÉïpÉUÉiÉ MüÉlÉÉZÉÉsÉÏ eÉÉåUÉiÉ oÉÉUÉ uÉåVûÉ uÉÉeÉuÉsrÉÉlÉÇiÉUWûÏ ÌiÉsÉÉ zÉåuÉOûÏ WûuÉÉ AxÉiÉÉå iÉÉå qÉÏcÉ. AÉÍhÉ qÉÏWûÏ qÉsÉÉ xÉÉåQÕûlÉ AsÉaÉS qÉÉfÉÏ EUsÉåsÉÏ oÉÉåOåû ÌiÉcrÉÉxÉÉPûÏ qÉÉåMüVûÏ MüUiÉÉå. mÉhÉ Wåû xÉaÉVÇû MüÉWûÏ TüÉU TüÉU sÉuÉMüU WûÉåiÉ cÉÉsÉsÉÇrÉ AxÉÇ qÉsÉÉ uÉÉOûiÉÇrÉ. sÉalÉ, bÉU, xÉÇxÉÉU...Wåû xÉaÉVÇû ÌPûMücÉ AÉWåû WûÉå. mÉhÉ MükÉÏ MükÉÏ uÉÉOûiÉÇ AeÉÔlÉ jÉÉÇoÉÉrÉsÉÉ WûuÉÇ. eÉoÉÉoÉSÉUÏ WûÉ zÉoS AÉeÉmÉrÉïÇiÉ qÉÏ lÉÑxÉiÉÉ ÍsÉÌWûiÉ/LåMüiÉ/uÉÉcÉiÉ AÉsÉÉå AxÉålÉ...mÉhÉ eÉoÉÉoÉSÉUÏ eÉaÉhÉÇ qWûhÉeÉå zÉÇpÉU OûlÉÉcrÉÉ SaÉQûÉZÉÉsÉÏ iÉÑqÉcÉÉ LMü mÉÉrÉ MüqmsÉÏOû cÉåmÉÔlÉWûÏ iÉÑqWûÏ ÌuÉSÕwÉMüÉcrÉÉ cÉåWû-rÉÉlÉå irÉÉcÉ SaÉQûÉuÉU iÉoÉsÉÉ uÉÉeÉuÉiÉ uÉÉeÉuÉiÉ WûxÉiÉ UÉWûhÉå.

WûssÉÏ ÌiÉcÉÏ lÉÏ qÉÉfÉÏ pÉÉÇQûhÉÇWûÏ oÉUÏcÉ WûÉåiÉÉiÉ. mÉhÉ ÍqÉOûiÉÉiÉWûÏ ÌiÉiÉYrÉÉcÉ sÉuÉMüU. Wåû qÉsÉÉ iÉQûeÉÉåQû MåüsrÉÉxÉÉUZÉÇ uÉÉOûiÉÇ MükÉÏMükÉÏ. LZÉÉSÇ AÉbÉÉQûÏ xÉUMüÉU cÉÉsÉÉuÉÇ iÉxÉÇ. qWûhÉeÉå MüxÉÇ MüÐ -- WûssÉÏ WûssÉÏcÉ qÉsÉÉ qÉÉfrÉÉ eÉÊoÉcÉÏ TüÉU MüÉVûeÉÏ uÉÉOÕû sÉÉaÉsÉÏrÉ. xÉqÉeÉÉ UåxÉåzÉlÉcÉÉ bÉÉåQûÉ AÉmÉsrÉÉsÉÉ sÉÉaÉsÉÉcÉ iÉU? iÉU MüÉrÉ? mÉÔuÉÏïCiÉYrÉÉcÉ Wû‚üÉlÉå iÉÏ qÉÉfÉÏ oÉÉåOÇû mÉMüQåûsÉ MüÉ? AxÉÇ uÉÉOûiÉÇ eÉå AÉrÉÑwrÉ qÉÏ ÌiÉsÉÉ ÌSsÉÇrÉ iÉå CiÉYrÉÉ uÉåaÉÉiÉ ±ÉrÉsÉÉ lÉMüÉå WûÉåiÉÇ. qÉkrÉqÉuÉaÉÏïrÉ eÉÉhÉÏuÉÉÇcrÉÉ mÉÍsÉMüQåû iÉÏ mÉÉWÕû zÉMüiÉ lÉÉWûÏ ½ÉiÉ ÌiÉcÉÉ SÉåwÉ lÉÉWûÏ. mÉhÉ qÉsÉÉ Wåû xÉaÉVÇû ÌOûÌmÉMüsÉ uÉÉOÕû sÉÉaÉsÉÇrÉ. eÉå qÉsÉÉ lÉMüÉårÉ AÉÍhÉ eÉå qÉsÉÉ WûuÉÇrÉ SåÎZÉsÉ ÌiÉcrÉÉxÉÉPûÏ.

LMÔühÉ MüÉrÉ iÉU -- `iÉÏ' LMü xÉÉkÉÏ xÉÉåmÉÏ aÉÉå¹ AÉWåû. ÌiÉcrÉÉ eÉaÉhrÉÉcÉÏ xÉaÉVûÏ qÉÑVÇû qÉÏ iÉÉorÉÉiÉ bÉåF mÉÉÌWûsÉÏ AÉÍhÉ ÌiÉlÉå iÉÏ iÉzÉÏ ÌSsÉÏWûÏ. AÉiÉÉ iÉÏ qWûhÉiÉårÉ - "WûÏ qÉÑVÇû iÉÑfrÉÉ eÉÍqÉlÉÏiÉ sÉÉuÉ. lÉÉWûÏiÉU iÉÏ MüÉåqÉåeÉÔlÉ eÉÉiÉÏsÉ". qWûhÉeÉå AÉsÉÉå MüÉ mÉÑlWûÉ qÉÏcÉ? Wåû AxÉÇrÉ LMÇüSUÏiÉ. qÉsÉÉ eÉqÉÏlÉ aÉÉåVûÉ MüUÉrÉsÉÉ WûuÉÏ Wåû xÉqÉeÉiÉÇrÉ. mÉhÉ ÎeÉjÉå qÉsÉÉ xuÉiÉ:crÉÉ AÉrÉÑwrÉÉcÉÉ xÉÉiÉ-oÉÉUÉ EiÉÉUÉ AeÉÔlÉ lÉÏOû aÉuÉxÉiÉ lÉÉWûÏrÉå ÌiÉjÉå ÌiÉcrÉÉxÉÉPûÏ MüÉåhÉiÉÏ eÉqÉÏlÉ AÉhÉÔ qÉÏ? AÉhÉhÉå zÉYrÉ AxÉsÉå iÉUÏ qÉsÉÉ iÉå CiÉYrÉÉiÉ lÉMüÉårÉ. AeÉÔlÉ qÉÉfrÉÉ WûÉiÉÉlÉÇ mÉÑUåxÉÇ AÉpÉÉVû xmÉzÉÔïlÉ fÉÉsÉÇ lÉÉWûÏ. iÉÉåcÉ eÉqÉÏlÉ? lÉÉWûÏ. ÌiÉlÉå jÉÉåQûÉ iÉaÉ kÉUÉrÉsÉÉ WûuÉÉ. qÉÑVÇû MüÉåqÉåeÉÔlÉ aÉåsÉÏ iÉU mÉÑlWûÉ TÑüsÉiÉÏsÉWûÏ. lÉÉWûÏcÉ TÑüsÉsÉÏ iÉU qÉaÉ iÉå ÌOûÌmÉMüsÉ - `oÉëåMü AmÉ'. mÉhÉ AÉiÉÉ oÉÉålxÉÉrÉ WûÉåFlÉ eÉaÉhrÉÉiÉ AjÉï lÉÉWûÏ.